Slavery in Malaysia
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Chattel slavery existed in the area which was later to become Malaysia until it was abolished by the British in what was then the British Malaya and British Borneo (Brunei, Sabah, Sarawak and Labuan) in 1915.
From the 14th-century onward the area consisted of Islamic sultanate states, which enslaved non-Muslims. In the 19th-century, the territory successively came under the control of the British Empire, which started a process to gradually abolish slavery and slave trade from the 1870s until the final abolition in 1915.
Background
[edit]Slavery in the territories of Malaysia are not well known until the arrival of Islam in the 14th-century. After the transformation of the area to Islamic sultanates and the conversion of the ruling elite to Islam in the 14th-century, slavery and slave trade came to follow Islamic law and take on the characteristics of slavery in the Muslim world, and more information are available about slavery in the Malay sultanates.[1]
Slave trade
[edit]After conversion to Islam, the enslavement of Muslims were prohibited, which resulted in non-Muslims becoming targeted for enslavement by Muslim slave traders.[2]
Slaves were supplied to the Malay sultanates by five main methods; by slave raids against non-Muslim hill peoples (bumiputra); by commercial slave traders who captured and sold non-Muslim people to both the Malay sultanates, the various states in Indonesia and the Philippines; by Muslim pilgrims who bought slaves during their Hajj and sold them on their return; by criminals who chose to exchange their corporal punishment for enslavement; and debt bondage.[3]
In the 16th-century, most slaves in Melaka and Patani came from Java (Sunda, Madura and Balamabang) and had not been enslaved by warfare, but imported by merchants.[4]
Orang Asli
[edit]The development of the slave trade in the region was a powerful factor influencing the fate of the Orang Asli. The enslavement of Negrito tribes commenced as early as 724 CE, during the early contact of the Malay Srivijaya empire. Negrito pygmies from the southern jungles were enslaved, with some being exploited until modern times.[5] Because Islam prohibited taking Muslims as slaves,[Sahih al-Bukhari 148] slave hunters focused their capture on the Orang Asli explaining the Malay use sakai to mean "slaves" with its present derogatory connotation.
In the early 16th century Aceh Sultanate, located in the north of the island of Sumatra, equipped special expeditions to capture slaves in the Malay Peninsula, and Malacca was at that time the largest center of the slave trade in the region. Raids on slaves in the villages of Orang Asli were common in the 18th and 19th centuries. During this time, Orang Asli groups suffered raids by the Minangkabau and Batak forces who perceived them to be of lower in status. Orang Asli settlements were sacked, with adult males being systematically executed while women and children were taken captive and sold into slavery.[6][7]
Hamba abdi (meaning, bondslaves) formed the labour force both in the cities and in the households of chiefs and sultans. They could be servants and concubines of a rich master, and slaves also did labour work in commercial ports.[8] The situation prompted many Orang Asli to migrate further inland to avoid contact with outsiders.
The slave raids against the Batek people was preserved in memory, and during the writer Endicott's visit in Batek in Kelantan in 1981, Batek people commented on the slave raids many decades before:
- "always track us, and when that was done they would take us they would hit us, like me here, he would beat me, take my child.... they would sell... They would beat us until there were no Batek left".[9]
Slave market
[edit]I significant reason for the use of slave labor in Malaya was the low population density, which made free laborers insufficient.[10]
Except for slaves used for servant positions in the private households of rich people and for sexual slavery such as concubinage, slave laborers were used for a number of different roles, such as agricultural laborers as well as craftsmen.[11]
A British report from the 1880s described slavery in Pahang and customs of "unlimited corvee, [and] the right of the Sultan to force women and children into his harem, were all abusers that had to be taken on, but only gradually and with sufficient civil servants, polic and military on the ground".[12]
Female slaves were used as house slave servants, or as sex slaves (concubines) in the harems. The Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor (r. 1886-1895) were given two girls from the Circassian slave trade, the sisters Rukiye Hanim and Hatice Hanim (Che Khatijah Hanum), as a diplomatic gift by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, of which the first became the wife of Prince Ungku Abdul Majid bin Temengung Ibrahim and the later to the Sultan of Johor himself.[13] Snouck Hurgronje noted that "the Circassian slaves" in the royal harem had came there from Constantinople and were much more expensive than other slaves, and that “the female Circassian slaves are pretentious concubines”.[14]
Abolition
[edit]In the 19th-century, the Malay sultanates gradually came under the control of the colonial British Empire. Britain abolished the British slave trade by the Slave Trade Act 1807 and slavery by the Slavery Abolition Act 1833. Officially the British pursued an abolitionist policy in all areas under their control after 1833, but in practice they avoided addressing the issue if they feared it could cause problems with local power holders, which was the case in Malaya, were the British for example avoided addressing the slave holding of the Sultan of Johor.[15]
From the 1870s, when the British felt their power was secure enough to introduce policies they felt would be unpopular, they actively started to pursue an abolitionist policy in Malaya, where slavery was progressively targeted and gradually abolished state by state. In 1875 the British forcibly introduced the abolition of slavery in Perak, and in 1887 they effectively undermined the institution of slavery in Pahang by providing slaves the same legal protection as free people.[16]
The British abolition policy met intense opposition. The British Resident J.W.W Birch of Preak was killed by Lela Pandak Lam in 1875 after having assisted the escape of slaves from the Royal harem of the Sultan of Perak,[17] an assassination that resulted in the outbreak of the Perak War.
A British report from the 1880s stated that it was necessary for the colonial British authorities to interfere in certain indigenous customs in the Pahang Sultanate, such as "unlimited corvee, [and] the right of the Sultan to force women and children into his harem, were all abusers that had to be taken on, but only gradually and with sufficient civil servants, polic and military on the ground".[18] The British' introduction of legal protection for slaves in Pahang resulted in a rebellion in 1891–1894.[19]
The British colonial authorities finally declared slavery abolished in British Malaya in 1915.[20]
Aftermath
[edit]Despite the British legislation, slavery still continued to exist illegally among indigenous people in Malaya and British Borneo in the 1920s.[21] The law against the Mui tsai slave trade introduced in Hong Kong was introduced by the British also in the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States in 1925, but the law was not enforced.[22]
In the 1930s the Committe of Experts on Slavery and Advisory Committee of Experts on Slavery (ACE) of the League of Nations conducted an investigation on slavery under George Maxwell and demanded reports from the colonial powers, among the British.[23] Maxwell did not trust the British, since he was aware of the colonial British policy to avoid interference in issues that could cause unrest, and he forcefully campaigned against the common custom in the region to sell Chinese and teochiu children as slaves under the guise of adoption, as well as to classify the mui tsai trade as slavery, which was done in Straits Settlements in 1933.[24] The mui tsai trade of Chinese children in the form of adoption, which often resulted in girls being sold to brothels, were effectively banned in Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States in 1937 via the introduction of stricter adoption laws.[25] The new legislation introduced by the British in the 1930s were deemed as more efficient than prior, and because of them, slavery in Malaya was finally entirely abolished.
Gallery
[edit]-
J.W.W. Birch
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The sword said to have been used in the assassination of J.W.W. Birch, displayed at the National Museum Negara.
See also
[edit]- Slavery in Brunei
- Slavery in Indonesia
- Human rights in Malaysia
- Human trafficking in Malaysia
- Sex trafficking in Malaysia
- History of slavery in the Muslim world
References
[edit]- ^ Klein, M. A. (2014). Historical Dictionary of Slavery and Abolition. Storbritannien: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 251
- ^ Klein, M. A. (2014). Historical Dictionary of Slavery and Abolition. Storbritannien: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 251
- ^ Klein, M. A. (2014). Historical Dictionary of Slavery and Abolition. Storbritannien: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 251
- ^ A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures: An Investigation. (2000). Danmark: Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. p. 424-425
- ^ Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America. Vol. 17–19. Chinese Art Society of America. 1963. p. 55.
- ^ Colin Nicholas (1997). "The Orang Asli of Peninsula Malaysia". Magick River. Retrieved 2016-12-22.
- ^ "Malaysia - Orang Asli". Minority Rights Group International. 19 June 2015. Retrieved 5 January 2017.
- ^ Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia (1982). Malaysia in History. Vol. 25–28. Malaysian Historical Society.
- ^ Rudge, A. (2023). Sensing Others: Voicing Batek Ethical Lives at the Edge of a Malaysian Rainforest. USA: Nebraska. 13
- ^ Klein, M. A. (2014). Historical Dictionary of Slavery and Abolition. Storbritannien: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 251
- ^ Klein, M. A. (2014). Historical Dictionary of Slavery and Abolition. Storbritannien: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 251
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130-131
- ^ Özay, Mehmet and Ekrem Saltık. “The Myth and Reality of Rukiye Hanim in the Context of Turkish Malay Relations (1864-1904).” The Journal of Human & Society 5 (2015): 55-74.
- ^ Özay, Mehmet and Ekrem Saltık. “The Myth and Reality of Rukiye Hanim in the Context of Turkish Malay Relations (1864-1904).” The Journal of Human & Society 5 (2015): 55-74.
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. s. 130-131
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130
- ^ Bales, K. (2004). New Slavery: A Reference Handbook. Storbritannien: Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 60
- ^ The Palgrave Handbook of Bondage and Human Rights in Africa and Asia. (2020). Tyskland: Palgrave Macmillan US. p. 130
- ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 125
- ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 216
- ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 222
- ^ Miers, S. (2003). Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Problem. Storbritannien: AltaMira Press. p. 285
- Mehmet Ozay, Ekrem Saltık, The Myth and Reality of Rukiye Hanim in the Context of Turkish Malay Relations (1864–1904).
- Kheng, Cheah Boon (1993). "Power Behind the Throne: The Role of Queens and Court Ladies in Malay History". Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 66 (1 (264)): 1–21. JSTOR 41486187.
