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The Politics and Political Economy of Violent Conflicts in Post-war Mozambique

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Globalisation and Local Conflicts in Africa and Asia

Part of the book series: Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies ((EBAPCS,volume 7))

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Abstract

The outbreak of the insurgency in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province in 2017 and RENAMO’s return to violence in 2013 reveal that nearly three decades after the end of the civil war and the implementation of post-war peacebuilding often regarded as a success story, new and old violent conflicts in Mozambique persist. This chapter examines the political and political economy dynamics that fuel these violent conflicts in post-war Mozambique, considering the increasingly globalized world. The chapter argues that, in Mozambique, the expectation that democratization would result in inclusive politics and a free-market economy would produce national prosperity, which together would sustain a lasting peace, did not materialize. Instead, democratization backslid producing and reproducing forms of political exclusion while the economic model implemented did not address or even exacerbated socio-economic problems such as poverty and inequalities. Moreover, political exclusion, poverty, and inequalities are, ultimately, a breeding ground for the occurrence and recurrence of violent conflicts in the country.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Anadarko made the final investment decision in 2019 and later sold the assets to TotalEnergies (formerly known as Total).

  2. 2.

    In this chapter, the post-war period refers to the post-GPA period.

  3. 3.

    For example, see Andersson (1992), Alden (2001), and Pitcher (2002).

  4. 4.

    For more detailed accounts, see Alden (2001).

  5. 5.

    SUSTENTA is the Government's flagship program in the agricultural sector. It seeks to provide family farming with technology, funding, linkages with the market, planning, subsidies, infrastructure, and environmental and social safeguards.

  6. 6.

    In reference to 7 million meticais (Mozambique's currency) of the District Development Fund, a program that aimed at galvanizing development at the district level in Mozambique during the Armando Guebuza presidency. For a discussion about whether this program worked for empowering local communities, see Maschietto (2016).

  7. 7.

    Information retrieved from the Gemfields website available at: https://www.gemfieldsgroup.com/assets/montepuez-ruby-mining-limitada/ Accessed on 21 June 2021.

  8. 8.

    Data reported by Afrobaromer available at https://afrobarometer.org/countries/mozambique-0. Accessed on 6 June 2021.

  9. 9.

    In the public discourse, the conflict has not been recognized as an armed conflict; rather, it has been called a “politico-military crisis.“ There is no universal definition of armed conflict. The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) defines armed conflict as “a contested incapability that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths” (available online at https://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/ accessed 10 July 2021). Based on UCPD definition, RENAMO and the Government forces were, in fact, in an armed conflict.

  10. 10.

    MDM (Movimento Democrático de Moçambique) is a political party formed in 2009 by RENAMO dissidents.

  11. 11.

    The agreed provisions expanded the CNE composition from 13 to 17 members, of which 5 were from FRELIMO, 4 from RENAMO, 1 from MDM, and the remaining 7 from civil society organizations. The provisions were later transformed into law by the parliament.

  12. 12.

    Matsinhe and Valoi (2019) point to an earlier attack on a police station in Mogovolas district in the neighbouring Nampula Province in August of the same year as the actual starting point; however, it is difficult to establish a link between the referred attack and the violent extremism in Cabo Delgado.

  13. 13.

    In this chapter, the conflict in Cabo Delgado is referred to as insurgency because of the group’s attempts at controlling populations, territory, and its resources (undermining established authorities), a behaviour consistent with insurgent organizations.

  14. 14.

    This chapter acknowledges the conceptualization of the group as a terrorist organization and its use of terrorist methods, yet the chapter refers to the conflict as an insurgency (see note 13 of this chapter). Therefore, the terms insurgent and terrorist are used interchangeably.

  15. 15.

    CNDS is presided over by the President of Mozambique and advises the President on issues related to sovereignty, defense, and national security.

  16. 16.

    US State Department Media Note available at https://www.state.gov/state-department-terrorist-designations-of-isis-affiliates-and-leaders-in-the-democratic-republic-of-the-congo-and-mozambique/. Accessed on 6 July 2021.

  17. 17.

    US State Department Media Note available at https://www.state.gov/state-department-terrorist-designations-of-isis-affiliates-and-leaders-in-the-democratic-republic-of-the-congo-and-mozambique/. Accessed on 6 July 2021.

  18. 18.

    See the meeting’s communiqué available at https://theglobalcoalition.org/en/rome-ministerial-coalition-communique/. Accessed on 6 July 2021.

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Sambo, M.F. (2022). The Politics and Political Economy of Violent Conflicts in Post-war Mozambique. In: Nishikawa, Y. (eds) Globalisation and Local Conflicts in Africa and Asia. Evidence-Based Approaches to Peace and Conflict Studies, vol 7. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-8818-8_5

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